The conflict
between privacy and transparency began to emerge and could be clearly seen in
the exchanges that have taken place between different parties. So, are the rights to transparency
and privacy incompatible? Do we have to sacrifice one right to enforce the
other? What became apparent is that the two information
rights; the right to privacy and right to information (transparency) must be
balanced and work in tandem if the impacts from greater transparency in the
upcoming Zimbabwe elections are to be meaningful.
Privacy is a
fundamental human right which is central to the protection of human dignity and
forms the basis of any democratic society. The right to privacy embodies the
presumption that individuals should have an area free from arbitrary state intervention
and from unsolicited intervention by uninvited individuals. Section 57 of Zimbabwe’s
constitution explicitly
recognises the right to privacy. However, Zimbabwe
still lacks data protection legislation and is yet to establish a data
protection authority. This is unfortunate, because advances in information
technology have introduced innovative ways of collecting, storing, and sharing
personal data which require relevant and up-to-date legislation.
Other
countries, for example the UK, have just implemented tougher and stricter data
protection laws. These laws ensure that personal data is “used fairly, lawfully
and transparently”, “used for specified, explicit purposes” and “used in a way
that is adequate, relevant and limited to only what is necessary”. There is stronger legal protection for more
sensitive information, such as biometrics. The right to privacy has therefore, now
evolved to include state obligations related to the protection of personal
data.
The furore
surrounding the publication and availability of the electoral register has
brought into fore the need for public debate and reform on issues regarding the
legality of the disclosure of full voter registration data online or in
electronic format and related ethical issues. The Zimbabwean government and ZEC
need to rethink how they are approaching the digital age in a way that both
respects the public’s right to access information and simultaneously
acknowledges how privacy and security issues have evolved with increasing
connectivity and access to the internet and other electronic data sharing
platforms.
The potential
of open data for electoral processes must be balanced with an understanding of
some of the sensitivities and risks related to data release. Some personal data
is sensitive and need to remain closed, to be shared with only a few parties or
to be disclosed only to a certain level. Biometric information collected via
BVR should only be used for the specified purpose of automatic de-duplication
of the register, and should not be further processed in any manner incompatible
with that purpose. The released information must
not be excessive in relation to the purpose of verifying the voters’ roll.
Released electoral data should not be used for any personal, private, or
commercial purpose, including, harassment of any voter or voter’s household, or
marketing of products or services to any voter or voter’s household, or
reproduction in print or electronic media.
The release
of private information into the public domain carries with it several risks. These
risks are especially important in the context of vulnerable populations. A full
voter file could also be used for harmful purposes, for example when combined
with other knowledge, to target individuals in their homes based on party
affiliations. Already some stakeholders have already shockingly indicated that
they would use biometric information (facial images) to knock on people’s
doors! Not only is there a risk of individual harm, but the possibility of significant
damage to broader public trust in ZEC and the government as a custodians of
people’s data.
The releasing
of electoral data also bears other risks. The data may be misinterpreted or
misrepresented. Mis-representation of the electoral data may occur when the
data is taken out of context or falsely attributed. This may result in
misleading news items undermining ZEC or the mis-attribution of falsehoods,
such as statistics. It is therefore imperative that ZEC ensures that every
effort is taken to provide accurate information to counter misinterpretation
and impose sanctions against those misleading the public.
One of the
biggest threat to personal data in the public domain is identity theft; scams
in which personal details are stolen. Several illegal/criminal activities can
be perpetrated by an individual using the stolen identity. Imagine an identity
theft criminal in possession of an individual’s biometrics, date of birth and
address! Besides financial fraud (for
example using your ID to obtain a loan in your name), identity thieves can
commit crimes, such as drug-trafficking, smuggling and terrorism, among many
other criminal activities whilst posing as other people.
While the
electoral register is in principle available to anybody, analyzing it requires skills;
hence data intermediaries such as data journalists or data scientists who turn
the data into insights, reports and analysis should play an important role. This
data is useless in the hands of a person who lacks data analysis skills –
indeed this has been proven so; with people who are now in possession of the
voters’ register appearing confused about what to do with it!
At this point
it is important that those receiving and inspecting the voters’ roll understand
that no voter register is perfect. Voter lists represent a “snapshot” of a part
of the population at a given moment in time. As changes in civil status or
residency occur, the snapshot changes, and time is needed to reflect these
events in the registers. For example, names of deceased persons who have
registered may still be on the list, or internal and external migration might
also have occurred since registration took place. It should also be noted that
there are no international standards used to measure the accuracy, or the
acceptable margin of error of voter lists; therefore, this issue is subjective.
Given the
complications that might arise in interpretation and usage of the electoral
register, it might be necessary to restrict full access to the full file only
to nominated candidates and people with a demonstrated use of data in the
public interest. It is argued here that people with criminal records relating
to misuse of public information, interfering with electoral materials (one
Morgan Komichi comes to mind!) or who
have demonstrated their ignorance of the importance of data protection (such as
those demanding publications of biometric information, for example Mr. Chalton
Hwende!) should ideally not be allowed possession and/or access to the full
electoral roll.
The
responsibility of the government, leadership and institutions as custodians of
people’s data cannot be over-emphasised. It is therefore surprising and
disappointing at the same time, that those aspiring for leadership and their
advisors are clamoring for, and making demands that would compromise people’s
privacy and data, wrongly hiding behind “the law”. Most surprising is that
Advocate Nelson Chamisa, a former minister of ICT who should know better, and
should be on the forefront of fighting for public data protection, is also caught
up in making these dangerous demands.
Demands such
as those made for publication of people’s biometrics (facial images) alongside
their names and addresses are unreasonable, reckless and irresponsible from
people who are asking the electorate for a mandate to rule the country;
especially based on the claims that they are young and techno-savvy! It must
also be noted that even though the Electoral Act does specify that a photograph
of the registrant is required in the register it does not compel the electoral
body to release this as part of the publicised electoral register – which would
be irresponsible and impractical (due to file size) anyway! ZEC should
therefore be applauded for sticking to their guns on this issue.
Protection of
biometrics is critical in their usage to such an extent that there has been a
lot of research in biometric template protection, a process whereby biometric
data is encoded such that no one can reconstruct the original biometrics from
the code. The issue of privacy in biometrics usage was a show-stopper in the
introduction of biometric IDs in the UK. It should therefore not be treated
lightly by those in leadership or aspiring to lead the country.
The Electoral
Act as it stands gives ZEC the power to release the electoral register in a
format that
would not compromise people’s data; but it is argued here that the
law does not go far enough. It however, does cover issues surrounding the
possible mis-use, corruption and manipulation of the data from the electoral
register and the resulting penalties (up to 5 years’ imprisonment – be
warned!). However, once data is in the
public domain it is difficult to control in this digital age, therefore
measures, supported by the relevant laws should have been in place before the
electorate’s data was released.
It brings to
the fore a point raised before by this author, that legislature relevant to
biometrics usage in the electoral process should be explicitly put in place. Carefully
calibrated deterrence measures should be implemented to ensure that the
negative impacts of election transparency are minimized. This is Zimbabwe’s
opportunity to create a modern transparency regime which encapsulates data
protection and citizens’ privacy, as well as ensuring public confidence in
election outcomes.
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